Wednesday, February 15, 2012

Iman partners with Somali design sisters of Mataano

By Madame Noire

Twin sisters and founders of Mataano, Ayaan and Idyl Mohallim (Madame Noire)

From Madame Noire: Supermodel and cosmetics guru Iman has announced IMAN Cosmetics' partnership with Mataano, the chic fashion design label with a global flavor. Mataano, founded by Somali twin sisters Ayaan and Idyl Mohallim, will debut its new partnership during their Fall 2012 runway show with IMAN as the lead sponsor.

The young, inspirational fashion designers got their break in the fashion world at just 20 years of age. They launched Mataano in 2008 hoping to show the world a new diversity of style. Their designs in the women's ready-to-wear category are a break from traditional African style. Mataano uses a mix of Somali and American heritage to create a blend of culture and has found its place among the fashion elite.

"I saw in the twins the drive and inspiration I had at that point in my life. Our shared Somali background and creative visions are a natural fit," Iman, CEO and Founder of IMAN Cosmetics said in a press statement.

Click here to read the rest of this story.

Source: The grio

Somalis in schools: One in three chooses charters in Twin Cities

By Alleen Brown, TC Daily Planet

Around 1200 school-age kids reside in Riverside Plaza’s nine paneled towers. The majority of them are Somali or East African. Cedar-Riverside Community School, a tiny charter nestled in the middle of the plaza, can only fit 150 of them, but school director Ricky White says if he were to open a new charter, he would know what to do to attract Somali families.

Just like in his school, where more than three-quarters of the students are Somali, he would accommodate Muslim religious practices. He would hire Somali administrative staff and education assistants who speak the language. He would make himself known in the community, visiting neighborhood associations, community center events and mosques. He would keep class sizes small. And it wouldn’t hurt to have a location in the heart of Minneapolis’s Somali community.

This story is part one in a three-part series exploring Somali families’ experiences with the Twin Cities education system.

But more than anything, he would keep in mind the power of a close-knit community where word of a few bad experiences (or a few good ones) can spread like wildfire. White calls it the “contagious factor,” and charter schools around the metro area have figured out how to use it to their advantage. But to Somali students’ advantage? That’s another question.

Last year, one in three Somali-speaking students in the metro area attended a charter school. Three-quarters of metro Somali charter students attended one of eight schools where more than half of enrolled students spoke Somali at home. (One of those schools, Tarek Ibn Ziyad Academy, is no longer open.) While other Twin Cities immigrant groups also attend charter schools at higher rates than non-immigrants, Somalis attend charters at a much higher rate. Nearly one in five metro area Hmong-speaking students attended a charter, and one in 15 Spanish-speaking students did, compared to approximately one in 20 native English-speakers.

Educators and community members disagree over whether the high rate of charter enrollment among Somali students is acceptable or worrisome, and a range of truths and rumors circulate: the district schools don’t hire enough Somali staff, parents feel more welcome at charter schools, charters help Somalis preserve their culture, Somali kids are not academically challenged at district schools, charter schools are safer, and they’re smaller.

“It’s a market,” said Mohamed Mohamud, director of the nonprofit Somali American Parent Association. “They are advertising, ‘We have that much bilingual service. We are preserving your culture.’

“That’s not enough for the success of the students,” he said, citing concerns about academic rigor and access to sports facilities and after-school activities. “Am I happy – no. A lot of things are missing.”

“We are respectful. Really we understand where they come from. We work with families, work with the community,” said principal Samuel Yigzaw of Higher Ground Academy, where 85 percent of the students last year spoke Somali at home. “Look at what’s happened to Somali kids in traditional public schools – the violence, the fighting. We don’t have that.”

Ubah Medical Academy

Ubah Medical Academy is in Hopkins – far from the homes of many of its Somali students, who make up 90 percent of the student body. The “Medical” part of the name refers to the school’s science and health offerings, but perhaps more importantly, it’s a nod to Somali families’ respect for the medical profession. According to school director Musa Farah, the charter’s location is part of its draw. “Like a boarding school,” he said.

In some ways, it’s an apt comparison. Ubah is one of the more conservative Somali-dominant charters. Certain religious and cultural accommodations are common at charters, and even district schools, that serve Somali students – most serve no pork and have a space where students can pray. Some get out early on Fridays so that students can attend a religious gathering in their community. Many schools offer Arabic language classes.

Ubah goes further. Girls and boys have separate lunch times, which Farah said is a cultural, not religious, practice – some girls don’t like to eat in front of someone they might marry. (Other Somali community members said the tradition toes the line between religion and culture, and not all Somalis practice it.) Behavior is monitored closely. For example, students cannot leave class to go to the bathroom without an escort.

“We talk to a kid – tell them what is right, what is wrong,” Farah said, in part because that’s what some Somali parents expect from an education system.

Farah and other Somali sources recall a state-run education system in Somalia where the teacher’s role was much different than in the United States. Sources say teachers were like second parents. They were responsible for students’ behavior and moral upbringing as well as their academics. A parent might even ask a teacher to discipline a child for being disrespectful at home. Parent engagement was not expected.

That system was dismantled during Somalia’s civil war, and Farah said it’s not how it is at Ubah. None of the teachers are East African – mostly because of the scarcity of East Africans with teaching licenses – and parents are expected to stay engaged. “This is America – parents first,” Farah said. But understanding cultural differences like that one helps the school keep Somali families happy.

Managing comfort

Making sure parents are comfortable is a big part of the school’s success. The same could be said for Cedar Riverside and Higher Ground and likely for other charters that serve Somali families.

At Ubah, parents and community members can come at any time of the day and meet with someone who will address their concerns in their native language. Administrators say that, though families come from an educational background that did not encourage family participation, parent engagement is high. Farah said he gets calls from parents at 8 or 9 at night sometimes. Many of the school’s administrative employees and education assistants are Somali. The first person a parent sees at the front desk is African, if not always East African.

Some students also report feeling more comfortable at Ubah.

Anisa transferred to Ubah for high school. Before that, she attended a mainstream district school. “The teachers look at you like a stranger, because all they know about you is what they see in the media,” she said. “They think you’re a walking failure, pretty much.”

Metro-area charters with a high proportion of Somali-speaking students in 2010-2011*
*From Minnesota Department of Education primary home language data
**School no longer open
Somali-speaking students in metro charters: 3197
Somali-speaking students in non-charter metro schools: 6171

Letitia Basford, an assistant professor Hamline University’s school of education, researched Somali students’ experiences at one Minnesota Somali-dominant charter school.* “Students said they never knew there were smart Somalis until they went to charter schools,” she said. One of the students she interviewed described feeling like "a psycho" in district schools when they had to wash their feet before prayer. A Somali girl told Basford her classmates would joke that she probably had a bomb hidden under her hijab.

“Here everybody can hang out with anybody,” Anisa said. As one student put it, at Ubah you know the person to your right, to your left, the person behind you and in front of you – all are going through the same things.

Academic Rigor?

Anisa herself resisted the transfer to Ubah. She had planned to attend a district school before a neighbor convinced her mother Ubah was the best choice. Anisa worried she would fail state tests and wouldn’t get into college.

Schoolmate Abdulaziz agreed on the school’s reputation. “At the mosque I go to on weekends, they say, ‘Oh you go to Ubah? You’re not smart.’ I say, ‘Are you serious right now?’” he said. “’Anything you can do, I can do better.’”

Anisa finds Ubah’s curriculum challenging, and she said removing the distraction of having to explain her culture impacted her academic performance, “I can’t blame that this time,” she said.

Still some Somali community members worry that charters don’t have the academic rigor of district schools. “When it comes to academics, I don’t see that much value,” said Hashi Shafi, executive director of the Somali Action Alliance.

A 2008 report by the University of Minnesota’s Institute on Race and Poverty called Minnesota charters a “failed promise,” citing research that showed demographically similar groups do worse on average in charter schools than in district schools. The report put some of the blame on a lack of racial and economic diversity. A review of charter school achievement studies released by the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools in 2010 showed mixed results – a number of studies revealed similar or larger academic gains in charter schools compared to district schools and a number showed smaller gains.

Yet Higher Ground, Twin Cities International Elementary, Global Academy, Lighthouse Academy of Nations, Cedar-Riverside Community School and the now-closed Tarek Ibn Ziyad Academy have all been recognized as “beat-the-odds” schools, where a large proportion of students passed state tests, despite a high level of poverty in the school.

Others argue that charter schools simply don’t have the resources that district schools do to provide access to after-school activities, sports and a variety of course options – such as economics or ceramics.

“They don’t have enough libraries. They don’t have enough labs. They don’t have teachers who are qualified,” said Amira Ahmed, founder of the Somali women’s group Midwest Community Development.

Last March, local KSTP news reported that Higher Ground was employing three unlicensed teachers. Yigzaw said the report was unfair and failed to mention the school’s good reputation for academics. He said currently all teachers are licensed.

What about integration?

Perhaps even more contentious than the schools’ academic performance is their demographics. Some question whether attending a school that looks so much different than the outside world will prepare students for life after graduation.

“The only way they can get ahead eventually is if they’re co-mingling with everybody,” said Minneapolis school board member Hussein Samatar. “I understand their concerns. I understand where they’re coming from, but you cannot protect children by segregating them.”

Shafi agreed, “They’ll grow together. They can share their values, their interests. You're missing opportunities of relationships.”

“What we have seen is we are already confused as adults. What we are giving to our kids is more confusion about their identity,” said Ahmed. “They are from here. We are the ones who are from Somalia.”

But Farah said Somalis have the right to preserve their culture. “No culture is totally bad and no culture is totally good,” he said. “Let us take the good pieces.”

“I have my two daughters, and they’re still in their same bedroom, and they will be until they’re married,” he said. “I’m not worried to go to [senior] home care as long as I have children. I will be always with them.

“My people, to be integrated – to that they will never accept that.”

It’s still pizza

But he’s sort of wrong – the Somali community already has accepted a degree of integration and assimilation, even within the Somali-centered charters. Basford said the students she interviewed interacted with mainstream culture daily. They read manga, listened to rap, watched the Vikings, navigated the bus system, joined Girl Scouts and played in city parks. Despite attending an all-East African school, Basford said, “They bought into that paradigm that American is better than immigrant.” And the school helped. “They flip that paradigm to help these kids understand their strength in being immigrant and refugee and being Somali and being proud of being Somali.”

“I am the type of educator that has always believed in multicultural education,” Basford said. “What the study has really shown me is that I think there’s more than one avenue with which we can educate youth.”

“You and I know it’s good to be able to learn and work with everyone,” Yigzaw said. “There is a cost-benefit analysis. This is choice.”

In Ubah’s cafeteria, it was the girls turn for lunch. They laughed and shouted as they ate French fries and some sort of flatbread with cheese and sauce inside - an East African dish, said school associate director Patrick Exner. He left the cafeteria to talk to a teacher, and I asked one of the office workers what the flatbread was called – she laughed. It was just inside out pizza.

*Basford agreed before she began the study to keep the school and the students she worked with anonymous.

Source: Twin Cities Daily Planet

Smuggling and trafficking of Somalis must stop, UN human rights expert says

The smuggling and trafficking in innocent Somalis must end, an independent United Nations human rights expert said today, expressing deep shock over the recent boat disaster in the Gulf of Aden that resulted in the death of 11 people, while another 34 are still missing.

Last week, survivors found on Somali beaches explained that their boat, crewed by three smugglers and carrying 58 passengers, had set sail for Yemen. They also recounted to local authorities how smugglers forced 22 passengers overboard soon after the engine failed, according to a news release issued by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).

“Smuggling and trafficking in persons in Somalia has been a sad facet of the Somali conflict,” said UN Independent Expert on the situation of Human Rights in Somalia, Shamsul Bari. “Such tragedy highlights the critical need to find a lasting and sustainable peace in Somalia so that people can live in a decent manner at home and are not forced to flee constantly their country to save their lives.”

The conditions endured by Somalis who are smuggled by boat are strenuous and painful. In his report to the Human Rights Council in 2009, Mr. Bari described that hundreds of people are squeezed into small boats that can easily capsize, and must survive a choppy ride that lasts on average 36 hours without food or water, and without very limited movement. Many times passengers develop skin diseases during the trip, and they run the risk of being thrown overboard by smugglers who fear getting caught.

“I offer my heartfelt condolences and my grievances to the deceased families and of those injured and who are suffering from skin burns caused by fuel inside the boat,” Mr. Bari said.

Mr. Bari also expressed his concern over recent reports about the violence faced by Somalis at the hands of the local population in transit countries, and urged Somali authorities at the national and sub-national level to work in close cooperation with the international community and the UN to end this issue.

In addition, he called on the international community to strengthen the capacity of the Somali authorities, and stressed that the London Conference on Somalia scheduled for 23 February would be a good opportunity for them to address smuggling and trafficking in the country.

“The upcoming London Conference will focus the world’s attention on Somalia,” Mr. Bari noted. “As we try to address the suffering of Somalis inside the country, I would like to remind all transit and host countries of their legal and humanitarian obligation to guarantee the safety and dignity of Somali refugees.”

Source: UN News Centre

Turkish Airlines will fly twice weekly to Somalia

A statement by Turkish Airlines (THY) said on Wednesday that the airlines would launch flights to Somali capital of Mogadishu as of March 6.


A statement by Turkish Airlines (THY) said on Wednesday that the airlines would launch flights to Somali capital of Mogadishu as of March 6.

The flights will take place from Istanbul Ataturk Airport on Tuesdays and Thursdays and from Mogadishu to Istanbul on Wednesdays and Fridays, the statement said.

THY is the national flag carrier airline of Turkey, headquartered in Istanbul. It operates scheduled services to 150 international and 41 domestic cities (38 domestic airports), serving a total of 187 airports, in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas.

The Turkish government announced dozens of development projects for Somalia including hospitals, schools, scholarships, roads and other key infrastructures. Ankara says its vision for Somalia is more than just the infrastructure.

The Somali public has hailed the Turkish initiatives and expressed their gratitude to the Turkish government and people for their generous support. Somalis are excited about the THY’s expansion plans. Since the visit by the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to Mogadishu in August to rise awareness about the Somali crisis–the Somali people no longer feel forgotten. Somalis are optimistic and feel a wind of change is on its way. Turkey might rescue Somalia from itself. The Turkish nation has promised to leave no stone unturned until Somalia achieved a lasting peace.

World Bulletin contributed to this report.

Tuesday, February 14, 2012

Somalia: Somaliland and the 'London Conference' - Silanyo Must Challenge Denial of Somaliland's Rights

By Ahmed M.I. Egal

Analysis

The upcoming London Conference on Somalia, and the UK's urging of theSomaliland Government to attend, has understandably generated a lot of debate and comment within the Somaliland community, both within and outside the country.

One of the stated objectives of the conference, according to Matt Baugh, Senior Representative for Somalia, is to "...reinforce the relative stability in areas of Somalia, such as Somaliland and Puntland and in the south...". This statement has, again understandably, aroused the ire of the people of Somaliland since they recovered their sovereignty from the erstwhile Republic of Somalia in 1991, and have steadfastly maintained their distance from the anarchy, state collapse and war that have engulfed Somalia ever since, despite repeated attempts to drag them into this unending maelstrom.

Somaliland and its people expected more from their former colonial protector, and it is either a reflection of the insensitivity of the current Foreign & Colonial Office to the aspirations of the people of Somaliland, or simply of their lack of knowledge of the politics of the Horn of Africa, that they refer to Somaliland as a region of Somalia, as Puntland is. The interpretation that many hardline, anti- Somaliland politicians within Somalia have given this British insensitivity or ignorance, is that the British have coerced the Somaliland Government to attend the conference as a regional authority, just like Puntland, Galmudug etc. Whatever the explanation for this impolitic language, the fact is that the British Government has put the Silanyo administration in a very difficult spot indeed. If they attend the conference, as they have stated they will, then they will reap the wrath of the vast majority of their people; if they don't, and they may yet be forced to a volte face, then they will look weak and will reap the wrath of Albion through curtailment of aid and a downgrade of bilateral ties.

 Leaving aside the issue of Somaliland's attendance for the moment, it is instructive to consider what this latest conference on Somalia is meant to achieve and the likelihood of it actually doing so. What follows are the stated objectives of the conference:

  • Security: sustainable funding for the African Union Mission in Somalia(AMISOM), and support for Somali security and justice sectors
  • Political Process: agreement to what should succeed the transitional institutions in Mogadishu in August 2012 and the establishment of a Joint Financial Management Board
  • Local Stability: a coordinated international package of support to Somalia's regions
  • Counter-terrorism: renewed commitment to tackle collectively the terrorist threat emanating from Somalia
  • Piracy: breaking the piracy business model
  • Humanitarian: renewed commitment to tackling Somalia's humanitarian crisis
  • International coordination: agreement on improved international handling of Somalia issues

This is quite a challenge and it is clear that no single conference can be expected to achieve these gargantuan goals, so we must question what the British Government actually hopes to achieve at this one. According to Chris Allen, UK Deputy Ambassador to Ethiopia, more than 40 senior government officials and multilateral organizations, including French President Nicolas Sarkozy, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, UN Secretary-General Ban Kimoon, are expected to attend. Clearly, Prime Minister David Cameron and Foreign Secretary William Hague have invested considerable political capital and much personal credibility in this conference.

There have been some 17 or 18 conferences to effect reconciliation and establish a credible, effective government for Somalia since 1991, including the latest one earlier this month in Garowe. All of these conferences can be said to have failed miserably since Somalia remains the very definition of a failed state. Yet, the British Government has raised expectations internationally and within East Africa by hosting this conference and prevailing upon heads of state and government, the foreign donor community and the current Somali leadership, such as it is, to attend.

So what do the British have up their sleeve that leads them to believe that this conference will bear the sweet fruit of success where all the others have failed? Firstly, they have been dangling the enticing carrot of increased international aid for 'peaceful' regions, which has resulted in a sudden proliferation of regional states announced by aspirant Diaspora would-be 'leaders' seeking their fleeting fifteen minutes of fame on the world stage, and a briefcase of money - courtesy of the foreign donors. This opportunistic gold rush of regional statehood has even infected the peaceful parts of the erstwhile Somali Republic, i.e. Somaliland and Puntland, with the recent moves to legitimise the dangerous, Diaspora-driven, political mischief-making disguised as Awdal State and Khatumo. Thus, while the direct responsibility for the recent deaths of security personnel and civilians in Buhoodle in Somaliland can be laid at the door of the naked ambition and greed of the Somali Diaspora carpetbaggers seeking a place at the London conference, the British Government must accept its indirect, if unintentional, culpability.

Secondly, with the support of the US and UN Security Council (UNSC), the British hope to revisit the agreement reached at Garowe wherein all things were promised to all parties. At Garowe, a further interim period of four years was agreed, during which Somalia would be 'governed' by a new interim government formed on the basis of the 4.5 clan model upon which the present TFG was based. Thereafter, in 2016, a permanent government for Somalia will be constructed through regional representation and not the 4.5 clan structure. The foreign donor community had intended that the Garowe conference would create the permanent government that has been pushed back four years, although any rational observer with knowledge of Somali history and politics, particularly during the period since the collapse of the Siyad Barre dictatorship, would have seen the chasm between these intentions and the hard reality on the ground.

The London Conference seeks to revisit the political agreement on the formation of a permanent government for Somalia, because the issue was ducked at Garowe, and the prospect of another four years of anarchy and political stasis under yet another interim government is unpalatable to the foreign donors. However, since the core issues underlying the collapse of the Somali state have not been addressed and are not tabled to be addressed at the conference, it is destined to fail. These issues revolve around the rationale for the existence of the state itself, i.e. what is the underlying basis for political consent in Somalia? The rationale for the creation of the erstwhile Republic was the irredentist dream of Greater Somalia, and this dream has been consigned to the dustbin of history for a whole host of reasons, both internal and external, which are beyond the scope of this paper to delve into. Despite the lingering passion of some Somalis for this mirage of the past, this discredited and empty irredentism can no longer further the political aspirations and hopes for a better future of a new generation of Somalis.

Succeeding generations of young Somalis, which have been robbed of any opportunity for betterment are no longer inspired by dreams of Greater Somalia. The call to their political loyalty is to their sub-clan and the call to their faith is to a medieval nihilism masquerading as Islam. They demand a life - the chance for betterment, and a faith that connects them to humanity and human progress, not one that cuts them off from it in the name of piety. The lucky few muster the necessary payments, vote with their feet and join the millions of illegal migrants that are preyed upon by human traffickers each year. The unlucky are forced to choose between death, beggary and fighting for one side or the other in the interminable war that has come to define Somalia. This conference will, as did all of its predecessors, focus upon the symptoms of Somalia's malaise, without ever addressing the root cause of the disease.

Addressing the root cause of the disease requires asking the question: In the absence of the irredentist dream, what is the basis for the existence of a Somali state, and on what terms will the people of Somalia, particularly the young, accord to such a state their political consent? This question cannot be sensibly or productively debated and concluded in a couple days at a swank conference hall in London by unelected and unrepresentative Somali 'politicians' in the pay of the UN, senior representatives of the foreign donors (however well intentioned), and senior members of the international aid nomenclature. These questions can only be sensibly and productively debated and concluded by the people of Somalia through their genuine, indigenous socio-political and cultural leadership. Such a genuine, grass-root, Somali-owned process does not lend itself readily to Western notions and perceptions of structured political debate and negotiation.

To return to the issue of Somaliland's attendance of the London conference, it is accepted wisdom among most Somalilanders, that attendance should be rebuffed. This is largely an emotional, knee-jerk reaction to the arrogance/ignorance of Britain in referring to the country as a region of Somalia and then exerting strong pressure for attendance upon the Silanyo regime. The overwhelming majority of Somaliland citizens, and especially the young who have much less attachment to Britain, would like their government to cock a snoot at Albion's perfidy and shun attendance. However, this would be a mistake, since an emotional response to another's slight (intentional or otherwise), while often satisfying, is rarely wise and almost never in one's long term self interest.

Instead, the Silanyo administration should attend the conference with the aim of telling truth to power and challenging the international community to honestly address why the Somali state collapsed in the aftermath of the Siyad Barre dictatorship and in doing so return ownership of the process of reconciliation and establishment of a new, 21st century rationale for the state to the people of Somalia. Somaliland has unique experience of this type of genuine, grass-roots, democratic peace-making and reconciliation rooted in local culture, traditions and religious faith. The Borama Conference of 1992, which laid the foundations for the re-emergence of Somaliland as a peaceful, democratic and free republic lasted for over four months, and ensured that all sections and groups within society, including those historically not accorded a voice, were represented. In addition, this conference called upon the skills, experience and knowledge of those from the Diaspora as equal citizens and not as fortune or position-seeking carpet baggers. The representatives/participants at this conference included clan elders and leaders, traditional Sultans, intellectuals and poets, business people and professionals.

The conference had no formal agenda, but everyone knew that the central topic of discussion was the terms upon which the people of this country were prepared to live together in peace and fraternity in a post-dictatorship, post-irredentist future. The people of Somaliland have a lot to offer in assisting the international community in developing a workable road map for genuine reconciliation in Somalia, and they are prepared put this experience, expertise and their good offices as an honest broker between the warring parties on the table.

However, the international community has to come to the realisation that the continued failures of its efforts towards re-establishing a viable Somali state over the last two decades are neither accidental nor due to any bad luck or lack of effort. Rather, they have been doomed to failure because they have sought to paper over the cracks of a political edifice that cannot be resurrected because its very foundation has disappeared. Somaliland's willingness to play the role of peace broker, impartial adjudicator and host of the reconciliation process for its brothers to the south is genuine and heartfelt. Equally, its commitment to its sovereignty and independence is unconditional and also genuine and is not subject to question or debate by others. Somaliland won back its independence and freedom at the barrel of a gun, after a long war, and with the precious blood and treasure of its people. Somaliland's freedom and recovery of its sovereignty was neither negotiated at a conference table nor granted by fiat, and it will not be surrendered on any terms. International recognition may not come today, or this year, and the powers represented at the conference may choose to ignore the will of the people of Somaliland for as long as they wish, but this will neither deter them from their chosen destiny nor dismay them from their choice.

President Silanyo has such an opportunity at the London conference. He must challenge the world to deny the self evident will of the people of Somaliland and their unique achievement in creating a democratic, post-irredentist Somali state, imperfect as it may be, adjacent to the longest-running failed state in modern history. He must point out that the denial of Somaliland's rights and the continued consignment of the people of Somalia to a never-ending nightmare of anarchy, terrorism and war are two sides of the same coin. Somaliland's message to the London conference is simple: if the definition of madness is repeating the same action again and again yet expecting a different result each time, then we are your sanity pill; ignore us at your peril.

Ahmed Egal was educated in the UK and holds a BA in Economics & Politics from Warwick University and an MA in Area Studies from the University of London. He has worked as an international banker in London and the Gulf Region for over twenty years, and is presently engaged as an independent financial and business development consultant. He has particular interest in Somali affairs about which he has written extensively, as well as issues concerning African political economy and international politics.

Source: African Arguments

Galmudug handles a wanted man by US to the Somali TFG

By Fadumo Farah

The security institution officials of Somali federal government had handled In Aden Ade international Airport in Mogadishu the kidnapper man who kidnapped to employee of Danish Demining Group in southern of Galkayo city but both of them were released by US forces by force on January 25, 2012.

This man named Abdi-risak Moalim Dhere Haji Yusuf (Abdirisak Lacuur) and he was transferred to Somali federal government by General Abdi Qaybdid who is sub-clan with the man.

Mr Abdirisak Dhere was injured during the attack from USA and he gets medical treatment at Hospital in south of Galkayo city but the US security officers demanded the Galmudug state of Somalia to transfer him to the Somali federal government in order to stand in front of the justice.

In addition, Mr. Abdirisak Dhere was a member the employees of DDG organization which is from Denmark and it used to put mines out at areas of Mudug and Galgudud regions. This organizations center is south of Galkayo town.

Mr. Abdirisak used to work DDG organization as logistic and security officer. It's believed that he was the person whoorganized and facilitated to kidnapped the two foreigner people called Jessica Buchanan from US and PoulHagen from Denmark.

The two employees were released by force after the American forces attacked the kidnappers on January 25, 2012at night time in a village between Adado and Gelinsor towns.

This attack was carried out by special American forces and they killed 8 pirates as well as 8 of them were injured after the American forces and the militias fired each other.

A source close to DDG organization who hided his name said that Mr. Abdirisak is suspected that he was behind this kidnap because of he gave additional gas to the cars of DDG which the kidnappers used the kidnap against the foreigner employees.

The National security of Federal government of Somalia has a good relationship with the American Intelligence (CIA).

Source: The Suna Times

Somali PM wants 'Marshall Plan' at London meet

By Boris Bachorz (AFP)

Somali Prime Minister Abdiweli Mohamed Ali said Monday he hoped an upcoming conference in London on the war-torn country would produce a "Marshall Plan" to end two decades of chaos.

"Somalia expects a lot from this conference. We expect the establishment of a trust fund for Somalia. We expect a complete reconstruction plan for Somalia. We expect a Marshall Plan for Somalia," he told AFP in an interview.

British Prime Minister David Cameron will chair the February 23 conference, gathering Somali and foreign leaders to find a solution to the civil unrest that has plagued Somalia almost without interruption since 1991.

The meeting will "help galvanise a common approach to address the problems and challenges of Somalia that affect us all," the Foreign Office said.

"I hope the London conference will galvanise the international support for Somalia, bring back the attention of the international community on Somalia, and with it all the necessary help for rebuilding Somalia," Ali said.

Decades of war and lawlessness have ruined the Horn of Africa country, leaving it with no basic infrastructure, its people in deep poverty and a humanitarian crisis the United Nations describes as the worst in the world.

Earlier this month, British Foreign Secretary William Hague visited war-scarred Mogadishu, marking a new drive by London to address the country's protracted crisis.

During the visit, London also appointed an ambassador to Somalia, the first in 21 years.

Ali dismissed a proposal circulated ahead of the London conference that Somalia be put under a temporary UN or African Union administration until December 2013.

The mandate of Somalia's Transitional Federal Institutions expires in August, and the country's Western backers are against any further extension.

"We are in the 21st century. Somalia is a sovereign country with a government recognised by the international community, it is ridiculous," Ali said of the proposal.

"I understand the concern. ... We have to give the maximum efforts in the implementation of the roadmap," he added, referring to a UN-backed plan agreed by Somali leaders to secure the country, write a new constitution and hold elections by August.

Somalia has lacked an effective central government since president Mohamed Siad Barre was ousted in 1991, unleashing cycles of bloody conflict that have defied countless peace initiatives.

Since then, the country has been variously governed by ruthless warlords and militia groups in mini-fiefdoms, becoming the epitome of a failed state.

A hardline Islamist movement with links to Al-Qaeda now controls much of southern and central Somalia, while pirate gangs rule coastal villages.

The Islamist Shebab rebels have been fighting to topple the Western-backed Somali government in Mogadishu, where the administration survives under the protection of a 10,000-strong African Union force.

Regional countries have recently increased pressure against the Shebab, with Kenyan troops battling the rebels in the south of Somalia since last October.

Ethiopian also sent forces to southwestern Somalia in November, the second such incursion in less than three years.

The 9,700-strong AU force, comprising troops from Burundi, Djibouti and Uganda, protects the government.

The Shebab abandoned fixed positions in Mogadishu last August, but has continued to carry out grenade and suicide attacks on government targets in the anarchic capital.

Source: AFP